The Work Between Elections

In 1949, my grandfather, J. Lawrence O’Toole, ran for mayor of Bridgeport, Connecticut. He was a bricklayer from Black Rock and a labor organizer who came into politics the slow way: through union meetings, community debates, and the kind of civic life that doesn’t announce itself as such. He challenged Jasper McLevy, the socialist who had governed the city for years and built a reputation for frugality and municipal steadiness.

My grandfather lost that election. For a long time, that loss was something my family referred to now and then, as if its meaning were already fixed. Yet as I watched Zohran Mamdani win the New York City mayoral race this week, that story opened back up. Mamdani, a democratic socialist shaped by tenant organizing and neighborhood mutual aid networks, did not win because of a sudden surge of ideology. He won because civic participation had already been happening — patiently, consistently, out of public view — long before Election Day.

This is the part of politics we rarely describe honestly. Campaigns are not really about speeches, slogans, or personality. They are about whether neighbors talk to one another; whether communities build institutions that last; whether people believe that participating in public life is worth their time. Elections are not causes. They are outcomes of civic work already done.

My grandfather belonged to a version of civic participation grounded in labor. Workplaces were where political life began. The union hall was a form of local government long before City Hall entered the conversation. Bargaining was not abstract; it was a daily negotiation over safety, wages, and dignity. To run for office as a labor leader was simply to extend the logic: if working people live with the consequences of municipal decisions, they should help make them.

McLevy’s supporters saw civic responsibility differently. Their version of public life emphasized stewardship — careful budgets, transparent management, and insulation from corruption. They believed that participation meant oversight and accountability. These were not opposing social classes. They were two different theories of how people should work together to govern themselves.

What connects 1949 Bridgeport to 2025 New York City is not the ideology of socialism. It is the recognition that civic participation is a process, not a performance. Mamdani’s win was not spontaneous. It was the product of tenant organizers knocking on doors year after year, of neighborhood groups coordinating across blocks, of residents building trust in one another long before they were asked to build trust in a candidate. The election did not create that civic infrastructure. It revealed it.

And this matters because of what comes next. Winning elections has a way of disguising how fragile civic participation can be. When a movement gains power, the work changes. Governing requires translation, compromise, patience, and the willingness to hold together coalitions that are not as unified as they once appeared. The meetings get longer. The disagreements get sharper. The stakes get more real. The romance fades and the work begins again.

This is where my grandfather’s story remains useful. His loss did not erase the civic networks he helped build. The labor movement in Bridgeport did not end with that election. It shifted, reconfigured, and continued to shape how working people engaged in public life. Losing did not mean disappearing. Losing meant the work moved into another form.

And winning will require the same perseverance. The civic networks that carried Mamdani to office will need to stay intact, not for celebration but for governance. If they become symbolic instead of practical, the victory will be temporary. If they remain functional — if participation continues when the cameras are gone — then something more durable will have been achieved.

The easy story would be to say that democracy spoke clearly last night. But democracy does not speak clearly. It speaks in fragments, in efforts, in partial agreements, in structures people build piece by piece. It speaks through the slow work of organizing, showing up, listening, arguing, and returning to the same room the next week.

If there is a lesson that connects my grandfather’s loss to Mamdani’s win, it is this: Democracy is not what happens on Election Day. Democracy is the work that makes Election Day matter.

The vote is not the end of participation. It is the evidence that participation happened.

And it has to keep happening.

The work is not the victory. The work is the participation.  And the work continues.

 

Not a Pilgrimage: A “Visit” to the Capilla Real

Granada, Spain — July 12, 2025

On July 12, I visited the Capilla Real in Granada—the final resting place of Isabel and Ferdinand, the so-called Catholic Monarchs. As someone from the Americas (having lived extensively in both the north and south), I arrived not as a passive tourist but as a participant in a longer, more complicated performance of memory and power. The encounter felt layered, conflicted, and deeply political.

To think through this space, I turn to the work of Mike Pearson and Michael Shanks, whose concept of “theatre/archaeology” invites us to consider how sites are not just static remnants of the past, but staged events, constructed through layers of material, narrative, and embodied experience. The Capilla Real is not just a crypt; it is a scripted space—a performative apparatus where empire, religion, and heritage rehearse themselves daily.

I wanted to ask: What is being remembered here? And what is being made to disappear?

What is being memorialized—and what is being forgotten?

The Capilla Real monumentalizes the Catholic Monarchs as founders of modern Spain—unifiers of kingdoms and “champions” of Christianity. Yet what is absent from this narrative? The expelled Jewish communities, the forcibly converted Muslims, the erased plurality of late medieval Granada.

What does the architecture tell us? Its late Gothic grandeur stands in symbolic contrast to the nearby Alhambra. The site doesn’t just remember a royal couple—it stages a victory of Christendom.

Ask the site: Who gets to be buried with marble and gold? Who was exiled in silence?

What does it mean to come from the Americas to this tomb?

To stand here, as someone from the Americas, is to feel the afterlives of 1492 humming in the walls. Colonization, extraction, forced conversion, genocide. These are not footnotes; they are structural echoes.

But I visited not on October 12—the official “discovery” date—but July 12: my own day of encounter. This reframes the act. It refuses the commemorative choreography and inserts presence in place of celebration.

Ask yourself: What is my role in this story? Observer? Descendant? Witness? Disruptor?

How is the site performing itself to me?

The Capilla Real is deeply choreographed. Light filters carefully across stone. The tombs are elevated, silent, inaccessible. Reverence is built into the room.

Where are visitors positioned? What are we allowed to see, and how? What narrative are we meant to accept?

Ask the architecture: Who choreographed your gestures? Who wrote your script?

What traces and residues resist the dominant story?

What if we look beyond the polished surfaces? Cracks in stone. Uneven wear on the floor. The proximity of Moorish Granada just outside. Are these material residues that refuse to perform the official memory?

What might be uncovered if we listened for unofficial histories—graffiti, whispered anecdotes, contested memories?

Ask the material: What are you hiding beneath your polish?

What would a counter-monument look like here?

If we were to build a counter-monument in this space, what form would it take? Would it honor the Indigenous peoples of the Americas? The forcibly silenced voices of Sephardic Jews or Andalusian Muslims?

Would it be performative? Ephemeral? Sonic? Could we interrupt this royal narrative with something more plural, contested, and alive?

Ask history: Who else demands to be remembered here?

A Presence That Interrupts

Standing in the Capilla Real, I did not come to venerate. I came to witness. To mark presence. To speak into a silence that has lasted too long.

I stood before the crypt of Isabel and Ferdinand—the monarchs who set in motion the Reconquista and the conquest of the so-called “New World.” Their bodies rest beneath carved stone, sealed in royal dignity. But outside those tombs, across oceans and centuries, the legacies of their decisions are unburied, unfinished, and still resisted.

And so I said, quietly—perhaps to them, perhaps to myself:

Do you know that peoples in the Americas have resisted your conquest and colonization for over 500 years?

That resistance is not metaphor. It is not memory. It is alive.

Pearson and Shanks remind us that archaeology is not merely about ruins, but about performance, disruption, and presence. In that spirit, I offer these questions—not to find answers, but to refuse silence.

To Isabel and Ferdinand: 

  • When you cast your crowns toward heaven, did you see what fell to earth in your name?
  • What prayers passed your lips as you signed the expulsions—were they for mercy, or for dominion?
  • Did you dream of gold or of glory—or did you simply fear a world not shaped in your image?
  • When you imagined the Indies, did you imagine us—the ones who would inherit both wound and wonder?
  • Did you know your empire would splinter—yet still echo in our languages, our borders, our gods?
  • What does empire sound like when it speaks back to you—not in Latin, but in Nahuatl, Aymara, K’iche’, Guaraní, Garífuna?
  • Can you hear the music now? The fusion of drums and strings, tongues and prayers, born of resistance and necessity?
  • Did you know that seeds carried in your ships would take root in every kitchen, every story, every body? What about the diseases?
  • Did you build a world, or did you scatter one?
  • And when I stand here—an inheritor of what you set in motion—do you see a subject, a stranger, or a question?

This visit was not a pilgrimage.
It was an intervention.
And the performance isn’t over.

Or, in the Guarani…..

Ko jevy ndaha’éi peteĩ ñemomba’e rehegua guata.
Ha’e kuri peteĩ jehasaha.
Ha pe ñoha’ãguasu ndopevéi gueteri.

Get Out The Vote, Get Out AND Vote

Get Out The Vote, Get Out AND Vote

Tomorrow’s Election Day in the United States of America, and here’s a reminder of how much one vote can matter.

In 1994, a Connecticut congressional race came down to just four votes out of 186,000. That’s right—four votes decided the winner, and it became a headline story in The New York Times. As a senior Political Science major, I was working with a coalition of student groups on the University of Connecticut’s Storrs campus.  We registered nearly 1,000 students to vote. In an election that close, those votes certainly had an impact.  This was one of only eight Congressional elections in the entire 20th century won by single digits.

So if you’re debating whether to vote, remember: it can literally come down to a handful of ballots. Make it count.

 

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Cartogram – a type of map in which geographic areas are distorted in proportion to a specific data attribute rather than representing their actual physical size.

The image above is from Bloomberg’s CityLab MapLab, featuring their 2024 blank presidential cartogram, ready for the first results. This cartogram minimizes physical geography and instead highlights election outcomes by resizing each state according to its electoral votes. This approach avoids the visual bias of traditional election maps, which can misrepresent popular support by giving equal visual weight to areas with vastly different populations.

 

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(Note: Yes, I voted by mail from Spain.)

 

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